This week marks the 40th anniversary of the September 11 coup in Chile and there has been a predictable flurry of memory-related stories.
Amnesty International UK is hosting an updated version of photojournalist Julio Etchart's 1988
exhibition Chile's 9/11 at the Human Rights Action Centre in Shoreditch,
London, on weekdays from 9-20 September (you can see some of the images here).
Hugh O'Shaughnessy recalls witnessing the coup as a journalist in Santiago.
Joyce Horman, whose husband was killed by the military regime and became the subject of the well-known film Missing, continues to fight for justice for the disappeared. An event celebrating the judges, lawyers and human rights activists who led efforts to illuminate this dark period of history will be held at the Charles Horman Truth Foundation in New York on Monday.
Meanwhile, the family of Victor Jara has filed suit in Florida under federal laws allowing legal action against human rights violators living in the United States. The former officer accused of his murder, Pedro Pablo Barrientos, moved to the United States in 1989 and became an American citizen.
Chilean judges have made an unprecedented apology for their profession's involvement in the regime. Chilean courts rejected about 5,000 cases seeking help on locating missing loved ones abducted or killed by the authorities.
Chilean president Sebastian Pinera called for those with information about the disappeared to come forward.
Reuters and AFP also consider the legacy of the dictatorship as the anniversary approaches. The BBC features the work of muralists who defied the regime.
Sunday, 8 September 2013
Sunday, 1 September 2013
Argentina: Disappeared of African descent
The Buenos Aires Herald drew my attention to research being undertaken by anthropologist Pablo Cirio of the university of La Plata on the Afro-Argentine disappeared. Little attention has so far been given to this small group - certainly I've never seen anything on desaparecidos of African descent in Argentina - but Cirio has apparently already uncovered ten cases. Cirio argues that the disappearances should be seen in the context of the "historic disappearance" of the community, first from Africa and then from the official history of Argentina. He points to, for example, remarks by dictatorship-era interior minister Albano Harguindeguy about Argentina being "one of the three whitest countries in the world". The research is at an early stage, but sounds promising.
The forgotten Afro-Argentine disappeared (Buenos Aires Herald)
Estudian casos de afroargentinos víctimas de la última dictadura como parte de su "desaparición histórica" (Telam)
The forgotten Afro-Argentine disappeared (Buenos Aires Herald)
Estudian casos de afroargentinos víctimas de la última dictadura como parte de su "desaparición histórica" (Telam)
Saturday, 31 August 2013
Peru: El ojo que llora
Image source
I was looking at the pictures of the Lima memorial El ojo que llora (the eye that cries) and its role in the recent marking of the decade since the truth commission report in Peru. I'm really pleased to see this memorial space actually being used and acting as a focal point for commemorations.
I saw the memorial being constructed and I don't seem to have shared many of those images, so I thought I'd put that straight. These were taken at the end of 2005.
Peru: 10th anniversary round-up
Here's some more on the situation in Peru, ten years after the final report of the truth and reconciliation commission.
On progress made in justice issues: The Peruvian ombudsman (defensoría del pueblo) has called for greater efforts to identfy the thousands of disappeared from the conflict. Eduardo Vega wants a special unit to be set up for this "humanitarian task". The number of disappeared is usually given as between 10,000 and 15,000.
Ombudsman Calls for Agency to Indentify Disappeared during Terrorism Years (Peruvian Times)
Piden crear entidad que busque a desaparecidos durante lucha contra terrorismo (Andina)
The former leader of the truth commission, Salomon Lerner, also acknowledges that the progress made in achieving the report's recommendations has been "insufficient".
CVR: a diez años del informe, la deuda del Estado y la sociedad sigue (La Republica)
Peru Truth Commission: Recommendations for Reconciliation Not Being Implemented (Peruvian Times)
Eleanor Griffis reflects on the CVR and responses to it for the Peruvian Times:
The Truth and Reconciliation Report: Ten Years On (Peruvian Times)
At least some signs of progress are being made: over 200 bodies have been discovered at an area known as "Oreja del Perro" in Ayacucho, and exhumations start next week.
Hallan restos de más de 200 víctimas de la violencia en zona de 'Oreja de Perro' (La Republica)
On Sendero Luminoso: For the AP, Frank Bajak analyzes the continuing presence of the Shining Path despite the State's recent killing of several high-ranking members, while the Christian Science Monitor looks at the rise of Movadef, the political movement inspired by SL ideology.
Analysts: Shining Path bruised, far from defeated (AP)
Is Peru's history of terrorism coming back to haunt it? (Christian Science Monitor)
Wednesday, 28 August 2013
Peru: 10th anniversary of the CVR report
28 August 2013 is the tenth anniversary of the presentation of the final report of Peru's truth and reconciliation commission (CVR).
As a reminder, general conclusions of the report may be found in English here, and the entire report can be downloaded in Spanish here.
In Lima, the anniversary has been marked at the memorial El ojo que llora in Jesús María, an event attended by the former head of the CVR, Salomón Lerner Febres. Lima mayor Susana Villarán spoke of the need to ensure that the country never faces such horror again and to ensure that the victims receive adequate reparation.
Victims' relatives called for a national plan for the location of disappeared persons.
As far as the media is concerned, El Comercio criticised the slow pace of reparations. La Republica also picks up on remarks about the lack of progress made in implementing the report's recommendations. Correo, meanwhile, seeks to cast doubt on the commission's achievements and believes that it should have talked to ultraconservative cardinal Cipriani.
As a reminder, general conclusions of the report may be found in English here, and the entire report can be downloaded in Spanish here.
In Lima, the anniversary has been marked at the memorial El ojo que llora in Jesús María, an event attended by the former head of the CVR, Salomón Lerner Febres. Lima mayor Susana Villarán spoke of the need to ensure that the country never faces such horror again and to ensure that the victims receive adequate reparation.
Victims' relatives called for a national plan for the location of disappeared persons.
As far as the media is concerned, El Comercio criticised the slow pace of reparations. La Republica also picks up on remarks about the lack of progress made in implementing the report's recommendations. Correo, meanwhile, seeks to cast doubt on the commission's achievements and believes that it should have talked to ultraconservative cardinal Cipriani.
Saturday, 10 August 2013
Argentina: Welcome, grandchild number 109
This week, the Abuelas de Plaza de Mayo announced the restitution of identity to the 109th found grandchild.
Pablo Germán Athanasiu Laschan was abducted in 1976 aged five months old. His parents, Frida Laschan Mellado and Ángel Athanasiu, were both Chilean and moved to Argentina to escape the Pinochet dictatorship. Unfortunately, right-wing violence caught up with them and they were both disappeared, and possibly held in Automotores Orletti, the main clandestine detention centre dealing with Operation Condor victims.
Pablo was contacted by the Grandmothers several months ago and agreed to a DNA test. He did not attend the press conference, although two of his aunts were connected from Chile via video-link and various other found grandchildren were also present.
The names of the couple who brought up Pablo were not given, but they were said to have close ties to the regime and the man has been convicted of human rights abuses.
The grandchildren are now heading towards 40 and their grandparents are, obviously, very old. It's amazing that they are still being identified, but it's also true that,
Abuelas de Plaza de Mayo restituyeron identidad al nieto 109 (Vanguardia, Mexico)
El 'nieto' 109 de la dictadura argentina (El Mundo)
Grandmothers present 109th grandson (Buenos Aires Herald)
Pablo Germán Athanasiu Laschan was abducted in 1976 aged five months old. His parents, Frida Laschan Mellado and Ángel Athanasiu, were both Chilean and moved to Argentina to escape the Pinochet dictatorship. Unfortunately, right-wing violence caught up with them and they were both disappeared, and possibly held in Automotores Orletti, the main clandestine detention centre dealing with Operation Condor victims.
Pablo was contacted by the Grandmothers several months ago and agreed to a DNA test. He did not attend the press conference, although two of his aunts were connected from Chile via video-link and various other found grandchildren were also present.
Guillermo Pérez Roisinblit, another recovered grandson, said: “Pablo, we know how you are feeling. We have been looking for you and we will also be waiting for you.”
The names of the couple who brought up Pablo were not given, but they were said to have close ties to the regime and the man has been convicted of human rights abuses.
The grandchildren are now heading towards 40 and their grandparents are, obviously, very old. It's amazing that they are still being identified, but it's also true that,
“This is a battle against time,” added FpV lawmaker Remo Carlotto [Estela's son]. “The clock is ticking.”
Abuelas de Plaza de Mayo restituyeron identidad al nieto 109 (Vanguardia, Mexico)
El 'nieto' 109 de la dictadura argentina (El Mundo)
Grandmothers present 109th grandson (Buenos Aires Herald)
Peru: Armed internal conflict
[Spanish speakers might want to skip directly to the links given below; in this post, I'm not claiming to be original. I just feel that the issues raised are interesting and worthy of flagging up on an English-language forum]
In view of the upcoming tenth anniversary of the final report of the truth and reconciliation commission (CVR), a debate has been ignited (or rather, reignited) in Peru regarding the use of the term "armed internal conflict" (conflicto armado interno) to refer to Peru's period of political violence.
Some would prefer the term "terrorism" to emphasise the fact that the main culpable parties were the Shining Path and MRTA. Others suggest "civil war".
This piece on Facebook from El utero de marita expresses the debate really well, pointing out that "terrorism" excludes the large numbers of victims caused by the actions of the state (think Accomarca, Los Cabitos, La Cantuta) and those who do not fall easily into either of the two categories (e.g. Uchuraccay). "Civil war", meanwhile, suggests a conflict with two more or less equally-matched and well-defined "sides", which is also not accurate. He concludes "armed internal conflict includes terrorism, but terrorism excludes many victims that we should not forget". Exactly.
Language is always a contentious issue in these contexts. As far as Peru is concerned, I've always acknowledged the particularly bloody violence of the Shining Path, in particular, by referring to them unequivocally as a terrorist group. I don't refer to the Montoneros as such, for example, nor do I call the Argentine dictatorship the "dirty war" (except occasionally in inverted commas). Argentina did experience some terrorist acts before the 1976 coup, but it did not suffer indiscriminate mass murder of unarmed civilians and the response of the state under the military regime was completely disproportionate. This is why, in Argentina, the armed forces were the primary human rights abusers. In Peru, the Shining Path (and to a far lesser extent, the MRTA) were the primary violent actors, but the state contributed a very significant number of victims as well.
So yes, Shining Path were (are) terrorists, but Peru's armed internal conflict had several actors.
Does it matter? I would suggest it does, since the label we give the period is connected to which victims we decide are worth remembering.
See also:
Sobre el termino conflicto armado interno (Desde el Tercer Piso)
In view of the upcoming tenth anniversary of the final report of the truth and reconciliation commission (CVR), a debate has been ignited (or rather, reignited) in Peru regarding the use of the term "armed internal conflict" (conflicto armado interno) to refer to Peru's period of political violence.
Some would prefer the term "terrorism" to emphasise the fact that the main culpable parties were the Shining Path and MRTA. Others suggest "civil war".
This piece on Facebook from El utero de marita expresses the debate really well, pointing out that "terrorism" excludes the large numbers of victims caused by the actions of the state (think Accomarca, Los Cabitos, La Cantuta) and those who do not fall easily into either of the two categories (e.g. Uchuraccay). "Civil war", meanwhile, suggests a conflict with two more or less equally-matched and well-defined "sides", which is also not accurate. He concludes "armed internal conflict includes terrorism, but terrorism excludes many victims that we should not forget". Exactly.
Language is always a contentious issue in these contexts. As far as Peru is concerned, I've always acknowledged the particularly bloody violence of the Shining Path, in particular, by referring to them unequivocally as a terrorist group. I don't refer to the Montoneros as such, for example, nor do I call the Argentine dictatorship the "dirty war" (except occasionally in inverted commas). Argentina did experience some terrorist acts before the 1976 coup, but it did not suffer indiscriminate mass murder of unarmed civilians and the response of the state under the military regime was completely disproportionate. This is why, in Argentina, the armed forces were the primary human rights abusers. In Peru, the Shining Path (and to a far lesser extent, the MRTA) were the primary violent actors, but the state contributed a very significant number of victims as well.
So yes, Shining Path were (are) terrorists, but Peru's armed internal conflict had several actors.
Does it matter? I would suggest it does, since the label we give the period is connected to which victims we decide are worth remembering.
See also:
Sobre el termino conflicto armado interno (Desde el Tercer Piso)
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)
Posts
